A preliminary report by the Committee
of Foreign Affairs, Human Rights, Common Security and Defence Policy of
the European Parliament backs the most interventionist and aggressive positions
of the new Bush Administration against Iraq
The draft produced by Emma Nicholson, Vice-president
of the Committee, is plagued with falsehoods and distortions concerning
the situation in Iraq
Arab Cause Solidarity Committee,
Madrid, 14 July 2001
On 25 June 2001 the preliminary draft (document 2000/2329, INI) of a
report commissioned by the British Baroness, Emma Nicholson of Winterbourne,
Vice-president of the Committee of Foreign Affairs, Human Rights, Common
Security and Defence Policy of the European Parliament (EP), and member
of the Liberal Democratic Party, entitled "On the situation in Iraq
ten years after de Gulf War", was presented to this Committee. The
Conference of Presidents of the Parliamentary Groups of the EP had requested
the Committee to produce a Report with which to prepare a future parliamentary
delegation visit to Iraq. The document (which has not yet been made public,
but to which the Arab Cause Solidarity Committee has had access) has been
drawn up following the hearing of various experts concerning the situation
in the country hold on 26 February before the aforementioned Committee.
Among the experts were the President of Cáritas Internacional, Professor
Bossyt, and the United Nations Humanitarian Program ex-Coordinator for Iraq,
Hans-C. Graf Sponeck, who resigned from his post last year. The draft of
the Report basically summarises the arguments of the USA and the UK as well
as of the Iraqi opposition about the Iraq question. Its presentation in
its current draft form would represent the explicit alignment of European
institutions with the most interventionist and aggressive positions against
Iraq of the new Bush Administration.
In paragraph 2 of the presentation of the draft Report, Emma Nicholson
singles out as the exclusive cause for the prolongation of the embargo against
Iraq "Iraqi government refused to comply with the post-war conditions
in particular the obligation to declare and destroy prohibited weapons of
mass destruction". At the same time, the text at no point considers
that the serious humanitarian situation faced by the Iraqi people is a direct
consequence of the sanctions, nor does it include any consideration of the
disparity between the objectives for which it is intended to justify prolonging
the sanctions against Iraq (for example, its strategic disarmament) and
the humanitarian impact that they are having on its people. Equally, there
is no reference to the evolution over these last ten years of the dispute
between Iraq and the Security Council (SC) of the United Nations (UN). It
ignores Iraq's widely recognised and practically total fulfilment of the
obligations imposed on it after the Gulf War, and the still open rift in
the heart of the SC over the need to reach a negotiated solution to the
conflict with Iraq, resulting from the determination of the USA and Great
Britain to prolong the sanctions indefinitely.
Disarmament
Thus, section IV of the draft ("Disarmament and Defense Policy of
Iraq") reiterates the USA considerations that for more than two years
the system of arms control in Iraq has not been valid and that the Iraqi
government has not agreed to the entry into the country of the new disarmament
commission, UNMOVIC, whose creation was established in resolution 1284,
(December 1999). The text gives details of "indices" according
to which Iraq is rebuilding its nuclear arms programme and might be able
to build atomic bombs within five years if the embargo were lifted. It says
nothing, however, about the fact that the interruption of the arms inspections
and the paralysing of the Iraqi disarmament verification system (operating
since the end of 1994) was due to the unilateral decision of the USA to
launch Operation Desert Fox in December 1998, outside of the consensus
of the SC, and that the need to create a new disarmament commission -UNMOVIC-
was entirely due to the necessity of dissolving the former disarmament commission,
UNSCOM, because of its proven espionage activities in Iraq in favour of
the USA, provocation by its inspectors and distortions of the information
collected in the country. Likewise, the draft includes no mention that,
on the other hand, during these years Iraq has allowed the commissions of
the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to enter the country. This
organization has reiterated that Iraq is not in the position to develop
a military nuclear programme.
'Oil for Food' Programme
At no point does the text give any detailed description of the serious
humanitarian situation being endured by the Iraqi people (despite the expert
testimony presented to the Committee), but rather focuses its attention
on the internal situation in Iraq exclusively in relation to the Iraqi government's
attitude to democratic freedoms and human rights (sections II and III).
Obviously the consideration that the regime of sanctions imposed on Iraq
since 1990 goes against the United Nations Charter, the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights and the international agreements for the protection of civilian
and humanitarian legislation -reiterated, for example, by the UN Commission
on Human Rights, which is cited selectively by the Baroness- is not evaluated
in the text. The draft recalls the EP's resolution of 30 November 2000 (EP,
298.881) urging the Council of Europe and the member States to support the
creation of an International Court specifically for the indictment of Saddam
Hussein (paragraph 29 of the draft). In this context, the draft Report aligns
the European Union with the practice of interference and internal change
of regime headed by the USA and Great Britain, which lacks any authorisation
from any SC resolution relating to Iraq.
In the same way, the USA and British falsehoods and those of the Iraqi
opposition concerning the humanitarian situation in Iraq and the effectiveness
of the "oil for food" programme have been repeated (resolution
986 of the SC). Paragraph 34 of section V of the draft must be considered
as the most express demonstration of the cynicism and immorality of its
authors, with its claim that the system of sanctions is achieving its objectives
although it has made the Iraqi people a hostage of the regime:
"This policy of sanctions has probably prevented from Iraqui re-arming
and attaking neighboring countries. However, by using a policy of generalized
sanctions, the international community facilitated civil population to become
hostage of Iraqi government and subject to an internal political system
based on arbitrary, terror, and repression (...)".
The only references made in the draft to the degradation of living conditions
in the country and the serious humanitarian crisis endured by the population
(paragraph 35) are those that ascribe responsibility for it exclusively
to the government, and not to the impact of sanctions and the 1991 war.
With falsification and blatant lies, the Iraqi government is also held
responsible for the obvious failure of the "oil for food" humanitarian
programme. For example, the draft Report states that the SC has already
authorised Iraq to export an unlimited quantity of petroleum since 1999
in exchange for the acquisition of humanitarian products. However, the Report
does not point out that the USA and Great Britain have acted in the Sanctions
Committee of the SC to block the entry of parts and spares required by Iraq
to normalise its production and exports. The consequence: Iraq cannot pump
more than 2.7 2.9 million barrels per day, and it does so under such
precarious conditions that it is seriously undermining its strategic reserves
(according to the UN, 20% of its oil wells are irreversibly damaged) as
well as causing serious damage to the health of the workers and to the environment.
Likewise it is false (as has already been pointed out by the US Congress
itself, the specialist Agencies of the UN and independent experts) that
the improvement in the humanitarian conditions in Iraqi Kurdistan in recent
years in comparison with the rest of the country is due to the fact that
it is the UN rather than central government that administers the "oil
for food" programme in that area. This is fundamentally untrue and
the real reasons are rather different. That the inhabitants of Kurdistan
receive 22% more money from the UN's humanitarian programme than do the
governmental areas stems from the circumstances whereby: the area benefits
from the permeability of its borders and taxes from smuggling; the UN Agencies
have a constant source of money available -something that the SC has not
authorised in the rest of Iraq-, on top of that circulating through other
international institutions and NGOs that operate in Kurdistan (the EU itself);
and finally, the geographical and economic characteristics of the area (historically
the supplier of agricultural produce to the rest of Iraq).
The draft also falsifies the data concerning how humanitarian programme
of the "oil for food" programme is shared out, masking the fact
that the USA is currently blocking more than 3,000 million dollars in contracts
that are considered to be of "double use" (civilian and military),
and that only in last year Iraq paid 5,000 million dollars in compensation
for the Gulf War while it received little more than half that sum (3,200
million dollars) in humanitarian products, according to data from the UN's
Secretary General Kofi Annan. Currently, the "oil for food" humanitarian
programme establishes the provision of 226 dollars per person per year,
an amount that is totally insufficient. The amount of products that have
come into the country since the programme was initiated in 1997 stands at
8,800 million dollars. In other words, this is less than a quarter of the
money that Iraq has obtained from its oil exports. This money is paid into
an account in New York under UN control and to which the Iraqi government
does not have access. It is worth remembering that the two former coordinaters
of the programme, Dennis Halliday and Hans-C. Graf Sponeck, resigned from
their posts in 1999 and 2000, respectively, due to their rejection of the
prolongation of sanctions, the ineffectiveness of the humanitarian programme
and the obstructionist and manipulative practices of the USA and Great Britain.
Support for "smart sanctions"
Given all this, it is not surprising that Emma Nicholson concludes the
draft of her report supporting equally the new US and British strategy of
a new reinforced system of sanctions against Iraq -the so-called "intelligent
sanctions"- which replace those that have been in place since August
1990 (section VI "A new approach to the embargo"). Thus, practically
reproducing the content of the proposal of the resolution presented to the
SC by Great Britain last May, paragraph 45 of the Report states:
"A revision of the embargo should be envisaged, so as to enable
the rehabilitation of the country's civilian economy, while retaining comprehensive
import restrictions for all military goods and a rigorous monitoring of
"dual use" goods. The control of border should be enlarged to
all goods, in order to monitor their use (under the actual arrangement only
those goods imported under the "oil for food" programme are inspected).
The UN Security Council should allow for investment and development activities
under international supervision (...)".
And the example they cite is that of the sanctions applied against Yugoslavia
until the handing over of Milosevic.
Presented at the end of June, Emma Nicholson's draft concludes with the
expectation that the SC's new resolution will be approved before 3 July.
Russia's opposition has made it impossible for the USA and Great Britain
to force the approval of a resolution that was in fact going to represent
the reinforcement and indefinite prolongation of sanctions against Iraq.
In the end, in the face of a lack of consensus, the SC approved resolution
1360 on 3 July in which the "oil for food" programme was extended
for another five months and the approval of the system of "intelligent
sanctions" was postponed. This represented a serious setback for the
new US Administration's strategy in relation to its policy of blockade against
Iraq.
The presentation of the current draft this Report on Iraq to the Conference
of presidents of the Parliamentary Groups by the Foreign Affairs Committee
of the European Parliament represents a grave and explicit alignment of
European institutions with the most interventionist and aggressive positions
of the new Bush Administration against this country, and is a further demonstration
of the absence of a European foreign policy independent of that of the USA
and its British ally.

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