We will now consider the basic proposal for the political negotiation that comes from the updating of the KAS alternative. This democratic alternative of Euskal Herria, has two different negotiation frameworks:

1) Between ETA and the Spanish state; and

2) The one which encompasses all the Basque citizens in a democratic process "without limits" and with the capacity of choosing between all the options.

In the context of the first framework, the objective of the political negotiation between ETA and the Spanish State consists in achieving the recognition of Euskal Herria. For the MLNV, this recognition of the right to self-determination of Euskal Herria on the part of the Spanish state is indispensable so that the process encompassed in the second framework becomes really democratic. But the condition of recognition implies to overcome the current territorial division of the peoples that compose the Basque country, something which demands that the Spanish state accepts the territorial unit lifting the current institutional frontiers. Finally, "the minimal condition to channel that democratic process is for all the citizens to be able to take part in it without being pressurized. Therefore, it is indispensable a general amnesty to carry out that democratic process, enabling the release of all prisoners and the return of all who fled.

Under those new conditions, once the process historically encompassed in the second framework is opened, it will be "the Basque society " who will have to democratically decide and "in an non delegable way " what to do with that right to its self-determination already recognized with respect to "when, how and what it is developed for", but without this democratic decision meaning that ETA abandons "its ultimate political objectives: the independence of Euskal Herria and the struggle for a society based on social justice".

From all this it is clear that, for the MLNV and more precisely for ETA, the self-determination of the Basque proletariat as a class, is not only historically relegated to the previous national self-determination of Euskal Herria, but before that one must get the Spanish imperialist State to recognize the right of that "people" to political-administrative independence, proceeding to eliminate the frontiers that hinder its territorial unity. Some Caudine Forks this are.

That is, what the MLNV intends the Basque proletariat to understand and accept, is that, to free itself as a class from the exploitation to which it is subdued by the bourgeoisie based in that country, it is first necessary that the proletariat collaborates with the bourgeoisie acting as "assistant" in the bourgeois democratic task of politically freeing Euskal Herria, that is the Basque "people", from the Spanish State,.

Now then, if we assume in accordance to the prevailing idea in the MLNV that the big Basque bourgeoisie does not have absolutely any interest in joining that emancipating political task because " it feels more comfortable" within the Spanish State, what rests of the "people" or of the "Basque society" apart from the proletariat, is the naturally not monopolistic small and medium bourgeoisie. It thus becomes configured, by bourgeois self-exclusion, the political instrument that the MLNV advocates to finish what they estimate as the main task, that of obtaining the national self-determination of Euskal Herria: a popular front in every way, as those which the Comintern under the aegis of the PCUS implemented from the mid 20s in all the world until its debacle in 1989.

Why is it that the small and medium capitalists Basque exploiters are interested in a successful ending to the struggle for independence in Euskal Herria? Marx states with reason in the "The Capital", that the immense majority of Catholics are prepared to deny three fourths of their faith articles before relinquishing a fifth of their personal patrimony. In this sense, up to what point would the small and medium Basque employers be prepared to maintain their support to the struggle for the Basque historical rights? This depends upon the correlation of forces in the two poles of the inter-bourgeois dialectical contradiction according to the historical conditions in which it has been developed.

ETA was the political expression of acting historical centrifugal forces in the Basque country, strengthened by the effects in Spain of the long wave of slow growth of world capitalism from end of the 60s. In the last years, after the "agreements of the Moncloa" the dissolution of the so called “Eastern Block", and the entry in the UE, the great Spanish bourgeoisie has economically and politically been strengthened. In this new context, the current dynamic of social and political isolation of ETA, the success of police action and the unequal but nevertheless greater spreading of the "antiterrorist" spirit between the Basque population, founds its reason in the greater economic capacity of the Spanish State. In transfers from the central administration to the Basque Autonomous Community , that is what, in last resort, can weaken the social pressure of the small and medium bourgeoisie in favour of self-determination, up to the point of provoking a split in the historical block of power between the classes that represent the MLNV.


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