The real causes of the current war in Yugoslavia

From the end of the sixty decade, the capitalistic system prepares the auspicious conditions for a third World War of much more catastrophic human consequences that the previous two. Similar conditions come historically given by a force independent material of the capitalists will. This material force consists on the huge social pressure that exercises the multibillion remaining capital bulk in search of exploitable additional population existing out of the pure capitalistic system. Such is the thesis with which the GPM it was presented in the pages of Internet in November of the past year, exposed in our work on the " Marxist Theory of the capitalistic crisis", that continues appearing in this same page web.

 We understand by " pure capitalistic system" the exploitationfree of the available salaried work or direct extraction of plusvalor by part of private owners of the means of production, this is, without political interferences or state of any nature. Such is the irresistible trend that it tends to be imposed every time with more force.

Irreversible objective tendency if it does not mediate a revolutionary action of the world proletariat that it breaks with the work organization and the social and cultural life based on the capitalistic production manner, in the private property of the means of production.

 One of the plots of the social work still not incorporated as direct source of appropriation and availability discretionary of plusvalor by part of the private owners, it is constituted by the workers of the State companies, especially in those countries with weak national burgeoisie, mastered by political  littleburgeoises regimens of the national type - populist, with projects of capital accumulation based on a capitalism of Bourgeois State or of " self-sustained development of the national capital", where the States - constituted also in public companies - they have come acting as manner of containment barrier of the private multinational capital, in safeguard of the small and median development of the salaried work. They are the residues of the historical block of power formed between the working class (especially their aristocracy in large part located in the Statecompanies ) and the small and median national burgeoise "not monopólica".Except for Cuba - whose excepcionalidad it confirms the rule - to this was reduced the antiimperialism that it blossomed in the immediately subsequent years to the second war world.

Countries as Egypt, Agelia, Congo, Angola, Indonesia, Brazil, Venezuela, Mexico, Chile, Argentina, Nicaragua, Guatemala, Dominican Republic and Grenada, they were more or less time committed with this type of projects supported by the already dissolved and wrong called " socialistic block".

Also Yugoslavia the same as Syria, Iraq and Libya, the weakest links of the reformist chain of the capitalism at this time, where good part of the proletariat works and dissipates to maintain to small entrepreneurs inefficient and to a state bureaucrats army under the chargo of despotic political regimens or almost "democratic".

The case of Yugoslavia is not more than a variant of the capitalism of bourgeois national State that it has been the support of the"antiimperialism" described more up. In essence, that variant consists on summarily of a very limited autogestión (little that to see already with that of the first times) by the part of the workers of the companies in which they work, all of them property of the national State, where each one competes with the others according to the dictations of the law of the value ( at domestic level as well as at international one), and the workers, distributed in each one of them, ibesides a differential salary determinated by the different occupational categories, and after paying a tax on the calls " fixed funds", they can have - according to the requirements of the market - what part the earnings net generated by their work they destine for the accumulation fund and what other part they devote to the personal consumption.

The Yugoslavian Communist Party PCI (League of the Communists from 1952) has directed the country from the war, with a wide popular consensus. It Achieved its historical legitimacy by virtue of its directing paper in the revolution of 1941-45 and in the national release struggle against the foreign nazi-fascista occupation..

Certainly, the bourgeois State in Yugoslavia was destroyed "technically speaking", not by an insurrection of bulks directed by the PC but by the fascist invader. However, the resistance directed by the communists it would not been able to be victorious without creating simultaneously a power of alternative State. Said otherwise, what it made possible the revolution was not the temporary decomposition of the local buregoise under the blows of the war, but the intensive opposition of the bulks to any restoration of the bourgeois order.

Although condemned to the stealthiness from 1921, the YugoslavianCommunist Party emerged in 1941 as the only panyugoslavian party. It entered the war with a program that gave to the working class a mission that it found out "the own problems of the class". It left of she as the hegemónic party, central reference for a wide majority of the population yugoslavian population. The war of classes was simultaneously a national release war, not only for Yugoslavia, but also for the nationalities that compose it, and its fusion in the yugoslavian State it was a decisive draft for the paper of the Communist Yugoslavian Party in the period that it continued to the war. Finally, the objective trends toward the "nationalization" of the party of the working class, they would not make more than to be reinforced in absence of an International revolutionary, trends that - as we have of explaining below -they would go to render more acute itself in the context of the crisis begun in 1979 After the break with the central planning and the collectivizatión of the lands according to the stalinista model (1945-50), the L.C.Y. introduced the model of autogestión in all the sectors of the social work (included the services and the culture).

Nevertheless, the State continued centralizing strongly the investments through the called " Central Fund of  Investments" that it was controlling 70% of the accomplished investments, which it was letting scarce margin of mangement to the companies. The Worker Councils and Management Committees were merely executive organs limited to transact the funds attributed centrally to each company after the deduction of the taxes and rates, in addition to proceed to the allotment of the revenue according to the obtained results in the market, and from choosing and revoking to the addresses of the companies. With respect to agricultural cattlman sector , 80% of the cultivated lands they returned to be of private property . In the essential, the prices and the foreign trade continued being under control. In 1965 it was carried out an Economic Reform that it consisted of a greater decentralization to favor the greater productivity of the work. It was proceeded to suppress the Central Investments Fund whose funds became administrated directly by the banks and the companies, whose distribution it began to depend on the profitability.

As consequence logic of this, there was a considerable liberalization of the prices. Also it was instituted a Fund of Help to the underdeveloped regions that still is maintained, although it is destined a derisive percentage of the social product. These funds are distributed by the banks in the form of loans to interest, when before it was distributing without any consideration. Of this manner, the banks were converted quickly in the principals depositories of the investment funds, conceding credits in exchange of strong types of interest, what permitted them to accumulate, during the period 1965-71, large add incontroladas.

During the period 1971-80, the banking system was decentralized and the companies became the only authorized to create commercial banks on the base of their own contributions. The central plan determines the large investment options in the wake of a successive approximations process to the plans of the companies,  common and republics. Yet observing these large high-priority options, the work units were free of   to transact their income to cover their investments, the collective consumption and the income of the personal.

The logic of this reform it was carrying the load with a real restoration program of the capitalism: the form decentralized of determining the revenues, it caused that in practice the topmost revenues would be found in the sectors  that enjoying a privileged position thanks to their weigh in the market. Of this manner, such as in the capitalism, the competition operated a transfer of value from the smaller organic composition of the capital at the of a greater composition, and from regions relatively poors to those of greater relative development. On this base material, the social solidarity was become impossible and the worker control derived inevitably in a bureaucratic control.

The political multietnithcal and multinational links of the yugoslavian federation began to make water from - by first time in 20 years - the penury goods penury as the coffee and the detergent, in the middle of the crisis begun in 1979. In 1985, the leadership of the the L.C.Y. recognized that the country was crossing by an economic crisis. The external debt reached for then 20 billion of dollars, the inflation was rising to the 250% in 1988, the industrial growth was stemmed (falling sometimes below zero). In 1987, Kosovo, Macedonia and Montenegro, regions located in the part most southern of the country, they were declared in bankruptcy. In similar circumstances, the consensus instituted in the L.C.Y. and the delicate ethnic and national balances system were sunk.

The strike made its appearance in a wide scale and the life conditions fell at level of the sixty. The workers´ answering appealing to the general strike, ended by fracturing their alliance with the party. A powerful feeling of discomfort invaded to the intellectuality, favoring to the right-wing and nationalistic currents.

This general propensity of the society to be entrenched in the national and local particulars gravitated also on the L.C.Y. Given its federative character, the crisis reinforced the mnipresent trend in that party, to the fact that the bureaucracy of each republic and province is entrenched behind the local and national interest that it represents.

But it has been in Serbia where the return to the affirmation in the national feelings it took the form most virulent. In this nationalistic context of the ethereal, the yugoslavian army found a stimulus to be attributed the paper of custodian of the integrity of the yugoslavian State . With the access in 1987 of Slodovan Milosevik to the unquestionable power in the League of the Serbia Communists , the prevalence of the class policy it was officially abandoned in favor of the national consolidation under serbian supremacy.

Kosovo it is a historical serbian territory. Known as the Field of the Blackbirds, it is affectionate for the serbian and famous in the history, by to have been the battlefield where thousands of their forebears let the life fighting for those lands. There, Lázaro, the last zar of Serbia, was defended heroicly fighting in 1389 against the sultan Amuratés I and he succumbed. During the Balkan wars of 1912-13, the serbians obtained in Kosovo several victories on the Turks. It was there where, in 1915, after a heroic resistance against the Germans and the Bulgarians, at the end of November of that year, the serbians, fenced, decided the withdrawal toward the Adriatic through Albania territory.

The federal Constitution of 1974 had reinforced considerably the autonomy of Kosovo and of Voivodina, the two provinces located in the republic of Serbia, making them constituent parts of the Yugoslavia federation . On account of this constitutional reform, Kosovo suffered rapid albanización that it peaked with the quotas setting-up national, that were reducing the available employment for the Slavs in the public function, where they had been until then privileged. Furthermore, thanks to its high births rate, the ethnic prevalence of the Albanians was increasing, transforming the linguistic , educational and cultural conditions, of this new democratic era, making to recede the ethnic frontier northward. This process of albanización finished its clear projection toward the independence in 1981. After the demonstrations of the albanokosovares claiming the republic statute for the province, the Federal state sent the troops and 12 persons were died. Such are the historical immediate precedents of this conflict.

As always, the capitalists - what remedy - write the history according to epifenómenos that they hide its real motor forces. Thus they spread it and thus they make it to believe to its subordinate classes, educated of such manner in the illusion of the fact that the humanity is behaved according to political , religious or ethnic motivations. Of this manner
<<What these dterminated persons are "appeared", "imagine" about their practices real, it is converted into the only determinant power and active that it masters and it determines the practice of these men>> (K.MARX-F.ENGELS: "The German Ideology" Cap. II point 8).

In reality, the " determinated force" that explains all this warlike movement of the imperialistic powers on Yugoslavia or Iraq - by now - It is that the owners of large bulk of productively idle capital, they can not follow tolerating the projects survival of ragged accumulation as that of Yugoslavia, while they are seen obligated to practice the patrimonial cannibalism investing in bag and other speculative markets. They need, since, to empower of the productive appliance in countries as Yugoslavia, to begin to metabolize the work of million of serbian proletarians in Yugoslavia and albanokosovares that yet escape to the direct production of surplus for the end of the accumulation.
To divide them by ideological accessory "reasons" of instrumental character for can to unify them in what actually it imports: the common task of squeeze its work force to fatten the multinational capital. For that, it being supported in the resuscitated and timely project of the great capitalistic Albania, and making lever on the national , ethnic and religious differences in historical yugoslavian territory, the  English and American , Italian, Spanish and French, German, Turkish, Greek and Dutch; Anglo-Saxon, Latino, Aryan and Ottoman; Protestant, catholic, orthodox and islamists capitalists, all they crowded in the NATO, forgetting their racial and national differences, they began struggling by to render more acute those same differences between workers of a same territory in litigation, to move them to the political area and subsequently to the militar, arming to one of them, the albanokosovares, to induce them to a massacre with those of "other decree" by "reasons" that, in reality, they are absolutely contrary to the class interests of both and they have nothing to see with the motivations of who have led them to similar slaughterhouse.

Never the ideology of the "human rights" had appeared so clearly committed with an infringing imperialistic war of the  international public right and of a genocidist irracionalidad of possible world scope as this that the NATO is carrying forward against the ygoslavian people and large part of the Albanian population in Kosovo. To this population - that the venal telejournalism shows in macabre death scenes or wandering by the frost lands of the region in dispute to justify the militar intervention of the NATO - it does not matter for them the country to which in justice belong the site where they had been established to live in peace, until the European and American imperialists it made impossible it provoking all this offense that is not known where will lead. In fact, all they accepted the yugoslavian citizenship and it would be delirious to think that they migrateed to that region by another cause that it would not be the desire of improving their lamentable conditions of life in Albania. The serbian nationalists said them: you can work in this country as yugoslavian citizen and nobody will annoy you in the more minimal because of it, but you do not come to intend be remain itself with these territories because itfinishs the tranquility for you.

Inciting the national and racial prejudices of the albanokosovares minorities , the international burgeoise has broken the tranquility in that part of the world, such as during the cold war it was devoted to break systematically the policy of statu quo or peaceful coexistence of the bureaucracy Soviet. Is that the Yugoslavia incorporation to the C.E.E. it would suppose that the burgeoise of the countries that integrate it they would count with a economic space expanded in the measure of that territory, of its natural resources, of its means of work and of its salaried population available. And the case is that how much greater are the economic spaces and more towns are , greater so much can be the entrepreneurial unit and so much more intensive also the specialization within the establishments, something which means equally decrease of the costs of production and, consequently, increase in the surplus for employed or invested capital unit. This offsets the historical diminishing trend of the profit rate approaching thus the possible restart of a new expansive economic phase. This is what Mr.Solana, speaking in silver, was meaning upon announcing the assault order, when he blamed Milosevik "of the isolation in which he maintains the yugoslavian people.

 It is clear that if the directing bureaucracy of the Yugoslavian State would submitte herself peacefully to these unconfessing reasons that they determine the behavior of the international burgeoise - now with respect to Yugoslavia - to average term there is not doubt of the fact that not only would increase the surplus of the bourgeoise in general, but, by effect of the development in the general productivity of the work, the smaller costs of production would benefit also to the workers of that country, that thus they could live a little better than until now. Such as it is occurring, generally, with the Spanish people with respect to ten years ago. This demonstrates that little burgeoises projects based on the autodevelopment of the national capital as the one which today continue defending the bureaucrats of the Yugoslavian State they are condemned to disappear.

But the case is that the yugoslavian society does not relinquish, as either they seem to given itself evidence of a radical peaceful change of system neither in the USSR neither in China. And such as we have asserted in our exposition on the " Marxist Theory of the economic crisis of the capitalism", in so much the large excessive capital bulk follows pressing to be empowered of the material and human resources of those large regions,…

The aggression underway to Yugoslavia confirms once again this trend of the burgeoise to solve her large economic crisis through the warlike genocide. Such is the limit reached by the essential irrationality of this life system presided by the imperialistic powers in its hindmost stage. With respect to regime that the yugoslavian directing offer to the part of the European proletariat that they govern, according to our line of reasoning not only it is of the same irrational nature in so much it obeys to the logic of the law of the value, but from the point of view of the development of that logic, it constitutes an little burgeoise anachronism . And though in reality it is considered that. Milosevik and his supporters neither they mention it. They make to pass all the conflict by a territorial recovery founded in the historical values of the nationality, of the sacred paradigm of the illustrious and of the Slavic race, values in which they have come educating systematically to the serbian workers .

That is to say: they are grappled to a same irrationality through the same monstrous arguments on which  The barbarism rode unleashed by the German imperialistic burgeoise in 1939. Certain that not to conquer a " vital space" but to defend it. But this it does not make them to be of different nature, because imperialism and nationalism they are not more than two forms of demonstration of a same substance: the capitalistic private property.

We speak of monstrous arguments continuing the already exposed reasoning of the fact that:
<<The barbarism of the ideas precedes the barbarism of the facts. And this barbarism of the ideas has its take-off point in the burgess propensity to make credible the systematical counterfeiting of the social reality. Therefore it must be unfettered a theoretical offensive fort to defend to the marxism, to the socialism, to the science, to the reason, of the you assail ,of the political stupidity endowed of formidable means of diffusion.>> ("Theory of the economic capitalistic crisis": The crisis and the future of the humanity).

But the case is that the serbin workers and albanokosovares are found enfeoffed to their respective proburgeoise bureaucratic leaderships faced, and once the conflict is unleashed , already nothing can be made of moment. Because it has occurred always in such circumstances, the same mystical monstrosity that it divided them and put on arrangement of be killed mutually, it is the only that it maintains them in the struggle,it strengthens the solidarity in the trenches and the hatred to the enemy in one and other decree.

However, the recognition of this reality in Yugoslavia it does not justify the attitude of staying impassive. Because as also we have said and the historical evidence thus it confirms it,  << The large wars always depart of the political will and initiative of the burgess leadership located in the countries of the imperialistic chain>>(Ibíd)

But for that this will and initiative are fulfilled, the imperialists must count not only with the assent but with the same decision of who are induced to the war in their countries. And the case is that according to pass the days and the bombardments are happened, the rejection to this new war tends to be extended by the streets of the principal capital of countries belonging to the NATO. And according to reasoned until here, if as for us it is certain that we are not in the decade of the forty and the projects as the current Yugoslavia it has still less historical projection that the already agonizing way of life that it offers us the multinational capital, we think that it is politically inconducente to contribute to the fact that the world proletariat follows divided marching again to the slaughterhouse behind options that they are not the his own. We insisted, we are not already in the short and ephemeral times in which the national burgeoise of the dependent countries they were alternative of momentary life front to the imperialism. Either the proletariat counts at this time of setback and ideological confusion even with a developed embryo of revolutionary party at international level. It must be to build . And an real option and in fact revolutionary by the first time from the degeneracy of the IIIª International , it can not be begun to build insisting on the pure tactics of bothering to the " principal enemy" being forgotten by teenth time to the historical interest of the proletariat for not to frighten to the littleburgeoise; inserting to the working class under the political wing of the " secondary enemy"; returning to deposit false hopes of revolutionary progression in an option so irrational and monstrous as the one which it is intended to combat; adding forces to an "antiimperialism" whose resulting historical in political terms can not be but void.

¡Out NATO from Yugoslavia!

¡Convert any interburgeoise war in revolutionary war against the capitalism!

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