State crimes, corruption, external debt and privatizations
In our work on the crisis of the capitalism, we have said that, with the development of the productive forces and the consequent irreversible increase of the organizational composition of the capital, it arrives a moment of the process in which it is made unavoidable the phenomenon of the historical oversaturation of the capital. The logic is the following: According to progresses the accumulation, the capital bulk in functions and the social wealth that empty in each crisis is naturally greater. Therefore, greater must be successively the increase in the profit rate to the exit of each crisis, that justify economically the refund of that excesive capital to the appliance producing of surplus. But given the irreversible development of the productive forces, the capitalism leaves necessarily of each crisis to operate in the following with a correlative historical increase in the organizational composition of the capital. Of this manner, the system must arrive inevitably to a cycle, in the one which the profit rate can not rise what is sufficient as to compensate all the surplus expelled in the previous cycle, that thus remains condemned to stay as " fictitious capital" would be of the appliance producing of more surplus.
Now then, since the accrued capital bulk increases historically, the fictitious capital will be also necessarily greater according to progresses the accumulation between a cycle and the following. And as under the capitalism it can not have work without capital, this chronic inactive capital or excessive,it has its corresponding social correlate in the historical increase in the worker strike, that thus it happens also historically in structural or chronic. Such is "the absolute general law" of the capitalistic accumulation that Marx formulated in the following terms:
<<How much greater it will be the social wealth, the capital in functions, the volume and vigor of its growth and, by so much, also the absolute magnitude of the worker population (employee) and the productive force of its work, (that in capitalism it supposes an increase in the organizational composition of the capital) greater so much it will be the relative surpopulation (strike) or industrial reservation army. The available workforce (unemployed)it is developed by the same causes that the expansive force of the capital (...) This is the absolute general law of the capitalistic accumulation >> (K. Marx: "The Capital" I Book Cap. XXIII. It between bracket is our)
In similar circumstances, without annulling this law, the excessive capital can momentarily be reduced reducing the pressure to the low in the profit rate, only if the burgeoise counts on the political possibility of incorporating into accumulation process means of production and subsisting workforce would be of the system, in the sense of the fact that they do not constitute direct sources of production and private appropriation of surplus. Such is the case of the state companies, in the capitalistic countries included those of the periphery of the system, as well as in those of called " real socialism".
As is well known, from end of the decade of the forty, during the expansive long wave of postwar, the state property companies and paraestatal played a role very important in the economic and social development of the capitalistic world. But with the particularity of the fact that in the periphery of the system, especially in countries of middle development as Argentina, Brazil, Mexico or Chile, the called "State of the Welfare" could be possible to horse of a powerful national antimperialist movement in the one which were committed more or less actively hundred of million of persons. That large part of these companies may have been now executed in benefit of the private capitalistic accumulation, from the economic point of view only it is explained by the objective need of giving productive application to the billonaria bulk of fictitious capital or superfluos determined by the general law of the exposed capitalistic accumulation more up. And here it fits the question: Would this have occurred in countries as Argentina or Chile without mediating the dirty dictatorships work as those of Videla and Pinochet? Since the beneficiary principals of this privative process are the countries of the imperialistic chain - very especially Spain in Latin America - only the political stupidity or the complicity can induce to ignore the direct implication of the States of the imperialistic chain in all this barbarism that today they are entrusted cynically of judging in the person of the principal executor, the same that in its moment instigated from the shades of the secret diplomacy.
Once by express mandate of the law of the value, the dictatorships complied with their assignment of crushing militarily to the antimperialist movements that were preventing "to release" of the property to the entrepreneur States in the suburbs of the system, it was proceeded to the systematical execution of the privatization process in two stages. In the first, the patrimony of the state property companies was object of allotment and copartnership more or less fraudulent, between local people intimately linked to the totalitarian state bureaucracy eventually under the charge of the governments in the dependent countries. The second stage, protagonised by the imperialistic capital, consisted of giving fulfillment to the dialectical between quantity and quality, according to the one which, the capital bulk invested in a company increases until reaching the measure that it converts it into dominant.
This privative second stage in economically dependent countries as Chile, it was and it is in the objective logic of the external indebtedness product of the unequal development between the center and the capitalistic periphery during the long wave of slow growth, that from the decade of the seventy it has gone corralling to the fiscal policies of the dependent countries in this line of "solutions", something which has given food to the local corruptions, and occasion to the matching of a handful of Latin American potentates in the billionaire lists of Forbes.
Indeed, the richest of all, Slim, that using his friendship with the Saline President of Mexico he was awarded Telmex. Or the holdings of Chile (Enersis, Matte, Cruzat, Luksic) that they were begotten and grown as of their collaboration with the dictatorship of Pinochet. Always, in Argentina, in Bolivia, in Peru, the private system was a scandal. But a scandal sponsored; for who but by its usufructuary of last resort, the imperialists?
Those patronages of "heals" privatization appear collected in a document elaborated by Peruvian agents "associates" to the imperialistic capital:
To this there would have that to add an advice of the SELA: that the goods are offered to very low prices to stimulate the interest of the buyers. "The prices have of be it sufficiently low to guarantee demand, the total subscription and the distribution of the property... also the government can sell participations for stages, and to the beginning with small batch offers of actions and greater discounts. With the time, while it is shown the commitment of the government and it increases the confidence of the private sector,it is offered a greater percentage and they are reduced the discounts."
The private process has given rise to huge local fortunes The "transnational " Argentine Bunge specialized in foods; Villares, of Brazil , that it has subsidiary in EEUU and Europe, it is specialized in vertical transportation. Luksic, of Chile, it counts on a strong banking kernel (also consequence of privatizations ) that it is together to its mining activities or of other order. In this same country, the group commanded by the entrepreneur Yuraszek, in a decade he achieved to multiply in more than 57 times his patrimony negotiating the business of the distribution of electric power through the Enersis company, converted currently in the private company largest of Latin America in the branch, with a population potential consumer of 37 million of persons.
This local presence between the favored in the privatizations, it was combined with the transnational capitalistic sector.It worth the trouble to indicate that the big Spanish burgeoise invests almost 90% of its abroad capital of the country, to the purchase of companies in this situation in Latin America, through operations that they are seemed much to a Reconquest. But there also they are pawned large capital of the United Kingdom, of France, Suiza, Germany, and obviously of the EEUU. These private appropriation operations of the state companies gear in the speculative space with the remaining or fictitious capital in search of direct sources of production of surplus within productive appliance of the system, through the opening in the Latin American bags of the sale from values derived ( future, obligations,etc.).
The "privatization" called also "capitalization" of the debt expresses in places as Bolivia or the Caribbean, it matchs with a wide denationlizator movement that it is appreciated more clearly in the delivery of the oil resources in all the continent. YPF, YPFB, PETROBRAS, PEMEX... they are common expressions in this imperial reconquest process. A situation that it is aggravated by the superexploitation of those resources, with consequences that they will not be delayed in seeing as suicidal.
The privatizations not only affect to the infrastructure or to other businesses. They are guided most recently to sweep a central place in the pension systems that in this way they have been reoriented to be converted into flammable of the financial system, to be delivered the savings of the workers to hands of the capital speculatory. In Chile, for example, the pension funds are institutional investors in different values markets. In Mexico, on the same model they have been gone creating withdrawal accounts in a laden financial environment with bad auguries.
Astride the bulky external debt, the privatizations in dependent countries as Argentina or Chile they constituted the central program of those governments, inspiring a policy that arrived to the paroxysm in 1997. All the economic history of the last twenty years in these countries was signed by a high correlation between external debt, privatizations of the state companies and absolute social impoverishment. In 1975, the external debt (public) Latin American it was of 69 billion of Or$S; in step 1990 to be of 443 billion and in 1996, of 603.000, while the amount of the privatizations in the last fifteen years became of 110 billion of Or$S. In 1996, Latin America accumulated 17% of the world total in privatizations matter, by a total of 15 billion of Or$S. A sum that grew still more in 1997 (probably on 25 billion). According to the Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLAC), in 1990 there was in this region 197.200.000 poor; four years after this figure had grown until reaching 210 million of persons.
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