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FBI, Directorate of National Intelligence (DINA), January 21, 1982:
This report provides a summary of information taken from prison letters
written by Michael Townley, the DINA agent responsible for the
assassination of Orlando Letelier. This report includes information not directly provided to
the FBI by Townley, but drawn from analysis of his correspondence with
his DINA handler:
details about meetings between Chilean President Pinochet and Italian
terrorists and spies, codenames and activities of DINA personnel,
collaboration between DINA and anti-Castro Cubans; the creation of a
fake terrorist organization to take the blame for a DINA kidnapping in
Argentina; DINA involvement in relations between Great Britain and
Northern Ireland; and Townley's fear that information about kidnappings
and assassinations of prominent critics of Pinochet would somehow be
traced back to him.
FBI, Operation Condor Cable, September 28, 1976: This cable, written by
the FBI's attache in Buenos Aires, Robert Scherrer, summarizes
intelligence information provided by a "confidential source abroad"
about Operation Condor, a South American joint intelligence operation
designed to "eliminate Marxist terrorist activities in the area." The
cable reports that Chile is the center of Operation Condor, and provides
information about "special teams" which travel "anywhere in the world...
to carry out sanctions up to assassination against terrorists or
supporters of terrorist organizations." Several sections relating to
these special teams have been excised. The cable suggests that the
assassination of the Chilean Ambassador to the United States, Orlando
Letelier, may have been carried out as an action of Operation Condor.
National Security Council, Chilean President's visit to U.S., August 8,
1975: This memorandum, written by Stephen Low of the National Security
Council, calls Scowcroft's attention to Pinochet's plans to visit the
United States, and his requested meeting with U.S. President Ford. The
memo states that the NSC asked the U.S. Ambassador to Chile, David
Popper, to discourage the meeting by telling the Chileans that President
Ford's schedule is full. Fearing that such a visit would "stimulate
criticism" and foster embarrassment, Low suggests an "informal talk"
with Chile's Ambassador Trucco.
National Security Council, Disarray in Chile Policy, July 1, 1975: This
memorandum, from Stephen Low to President Ford's National Security
Advisor, General Brent Scowcroft, conveys concern about wavering U.S.
policy toward Chile in light of reports of human rights violations. The
memo reveals a division within the U.S. embassy over dealing with Chile,
with a number of officials now believing that all U.S. military and
economic assistance should be terminated until the regime's human rights
record improves. According to Low, by reducing aid and sending "mixed
signals" to the Chileans, the United States risks precipitating a crisis
situation in Chile. Low concludes his memo by recommending that
Scowcroft schedule a special meeting in which U.S. agencies can "clarify
guidelines for future policy."

FBI Report to Chilean Military on Detainee,
June 6, 1975:
This letter, one of a number sent by FBI attache Robert
Scherrer to Chilean General Ernesto Baeza, provides
intelligence obtained through the interrogation of a
captured Chilean leftist, Jorge Isaac Fuentes. The document
records U.S. collaboration with Chile's security forces,
including the promise of surveillance of subjects inside the
United States. Fuentes was detained through Operation
Condor--a network of Chilean, Argentinian and Paraguayan
secret police agencies which coordinated tracking, capturing
and killing opponents. According to the
Report of
the
Chilean National Commission on Truth and Reconciliation, he
was tortured in Paraguay, turned over to the Chilean secret
police, and disappeared.
Department of Defense, Directorate of National Intelligence (DINA)
Expands Operations and Facilities, April 15, 1975: This heavily excised
Intelligence Report from the Defense Attache in Santiago Chile,
describes the growth of DINA, the national intelligence arm of the
Chilean government and "the sole responsible agency for internal
subversive matters." Many of the excised portions provide details about
the strained relations between DINA and the Chilean Armed Forces because
of DINA's exclusive power. The report states that the head of DINA,
Colonel Manuel Contreras, "has reported exclusively to, and received
orders only from, President Pinochet."
Department of State, Kubisch-Huerta Meeting: Request for Specific
Replies to Previous Questions on Horman and Teruggi Cases, February 11,
1974: This telegram, written by Ambassador Popper and directed to the
U.S. Secretary of State, reports on a meeting between Assistant
Secretary of State Jack Kubisch, and Chile's foreign minister General
Huerta on the controversy over two U.S. citizens--Charles Horman and
Frank Teruggi--executed by the military after the coup. Kubisch notes that he is
raising this issue "in the context of the need to be careful to keep
relatively small issues in our relationship from making our cooperation
more difficult."
Department of State, Chilean Executions, November 16, 1973: This memo,
sent to the Secretary of State by Jack Kubisch, states that summary executions
in the nineteen days following the coup totaled 320--more than three
times the publicly acknowledged figure. At the same time, Kubisch reports on new economic assistance
just authorized by the Nixon administration. The memo provides information about the Chilean
military's justification for the continued executions. It also includes
a situation report and human rights fact sheet on Chile.
Department of Defense, U.S. Milgroup, Situation Report #2,
October 1, 1973: In a situation report, U.S. Naval attache
Patrick Ryan, reports positively on events in Chile during
the coup. He characterizes September 11 as "our D-Day," and
states that "Chile's coup de etat [sic] was close to perfect."
His report provides details on Chilean military operations
during and after the coup, as well as glowing commentary on
the character of the new regime.
Defense Intelligence Agency, Biographic Data on General
Augusto Pinochet, August/September 1973:
This DIA biographic
summary covers the military career of the leader of Chile's
military coup, General Augusto Pinochet. The DIA, an
intelligence branch of the U.S. Armed Forces, routinely
collects "Biographic Data" on all high military officials
around the world. The heavy deletions are likely to conceal
Chilean sources providing information on Pinochet, his own
contacts with U.S. officials, and commentary on his
character, reputation, political orientation and actions
during his career.
Department of State, Memorandum for Henry Kissinger on Chile,
December 4, 1970: In response to a November 27 directive
from Kissinger, an inter-agency Ad Hoc Working Group on
Chile prepared this set of strategy papers covering a range
of possible sanctions and pressures against the new Allende
government. These included a possible diplomatic effort to
force Chile to withdraw--or be expelled--from the
Organization of American States as well as consultations with other
Latin American countries "to promote their sharing of our
concern over Chile." The documents show that the Nixon
administration did engage in an invisible economic blockade
against Allende, intervening at the World Bank, IDB, and
Export-Import bank to curtail or terminate credits and loans
to Chile before Allende had been in office for a month.
CIA, Report of CIA Chilean Task Force Activities, 15
September to 3 November 1970, November 18, 1970: The CIA
prepared a summary of its efforts to prevent Allende's
ratification as president and to foment a coup in Chile--
track I and track II covert operations. The summary details
the composition of the Task Force, headed by David Atlee
Phillips, the team of covert operatives "inserted
individually into Chile," and their contacts with Col. Paul
Winert, the U.S. Army Attache detailed to the CIA for this
operation. It reviews the propaganda operations
designed to push Chilean president Eduardo Frei to support
"a military coup which would prevent Allende from taking
office on 3 November."
National Security Council, National Security Decision Memorandum 93, Policy Towards Chile,
November 9, 1970: This memorandum summarizes the presidential decisions
regarding changes in U.S. policy toward Chile following Allende's
election. Written by Henry Kissinger and sent to the Secretaries of
State, Defense, the Director of the Office of Emergency Preparedness and
the Director of Central Intelligence, this memo directs U.S. agencies to
adopt a "cool" posture toward Allende's government, in order to prevent
his consolidation of power and "limit [his] ability to implement
policies contrary to U.S. and hemisphere interests." The memo states
that existing U.S. assistance and investments in Chile should be
reduced, and no new commitments undertaken. Furthermore, according to
Kissinger's memo, "close relations" should be established and maintained
with military leaders throughout Latin America to facilitate
coordination of pressure and other opposition efforts.
CIA, Briefing by Richard Helms for the National Security
Council, Chile, November 6, 1970: This paper provides the
talking points for CIA director Richard Helms to brief the
NSC on the situation in Chile. The briefing contains details
on the failed coup attempt on October 22--but does not
acknowledge a CIA role in the assassination of General Rene
Schneider. Helms also assesses Allende's "tenacious"
character and Soviet policy toward Chile. Intelligence
suggests that Chile's socialists, he informs council
members, "will exercise restraint in promoting closer ties
with Russia."
National Security Council, Options Paper on Chile (NSSM 97), November 3,
1970: A
comprehensive secret/sensitive options paper, prepared for
Henry Kissinger and the National Security Council on the day
of Allende's inauguration, laid out U.S. objectives,
interests and potential policy toward Chile. U.S. interests
were defined as preventing Chile from falling under
Communist control and preventing the rest of Latin America
from following Chile "as a model." Option C--maintaining an
"outwardly cool posture" while working behind the scenes to
undermine the Allende government through economic pressures
and diplomatic isolation--was chosen by Nixon. CIA
operations and options are not included in this document.
CIA, Cable Transmissions on Coup Plotting, October 18, 1970: These
three cables between CIA headquarters in Langley, VA., and the CIA
Station in Santiago address the secret shipment of weapons and
ammunition for use in a plot to kidnap the Chilean military commander,
General Rene Schneider. "Neutralizing" Schneider was a key prerequisite
for a military coup; he opposed any intervention by the armed forces to
block Allende's constitutional election. The CIA supplied a group of
Chilean officers led by General Camilo Valenzuela with "sterile" weapons
for the operation which was to be blamed on Allende supporters and
prompt a military takeover. Instead, on October 22, General Schneider
was killed by another group of plotters the CIA had been collaborating
with, led by retired General Roberto Viaux. Instead of a coup, the
military and the country rallied behind Allende's ratification by
Chile's Congress on October 24.
CIA, Operating Guidance Cable on Coup Plotting, October 16,
1970: In a secret cable, CIA deputy director of plans,
Thomas Karamessines, conveys Kissinger's orders to CIA
station chief in Santiago, Henry Hecksher: "It is firm and
continuing policy that Allende be overthrown by a coup."
The "operating guidance" makes it clear that these
operations are to be conducted so as to hide the "American
hand," and that the CIA is to ignore any orders to the
contrary from Ambassador Korry who has not been informed of
Track II operations.
CIA, Memorandum of Conversation of Meeting with Henry
Kissinger, Thomas Karamessines, and Alexander Haig, October
15, 1970: This memcon records a discussion of promoting a
coup in Chile, known as "Track II" of covert operations to
block Allende. The three officials discuss the possibility
that the plot of one Chilean military official, Roberto
Viaux, might fail with "unfortunate repercussions" for U.S.
objectives. Kissinger orders the CIA to "continue keeping
the pressure on every Allende weak spot in sight."
CIA, Genesis of Project FUBELT, September 16, 1970: These
minutes record the first meeting between CIA director Helms
and high agency officials on covert operations--codenamed
"FUBELT"--against Allende. A special task force under the supervision of CIA
deputy director of plans, Thomas Karamessines, is
established, headed by veteran agent David Atlee Phillips.
The memorandum notes that the CIA must prepare an action
plan for National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger within 48
hours.
CIA, Notes on Meeting with the President on Chile, September
15, 1970: These handwritten notes, taken by CIA director
Richard Helms, record the orders of the President of the
United States, Richard Nixon, to foster a coup in Chile.
Helms' notes reflect Nixon's orders: l in 10 chance perhaps,
but save Chile!; worth spending; not concerned; no
involvement of embassy; $10,000,00 available, more if
necessary; full-time job--best men we have; game plan; make
the economy scream; 48 hours for plan of action. This
presidential directive initiates major covert operations to
block Allende's ascension to office, and promote a coup in
Chile.
Department of State, U.S. Embassy Cables on the Election of
Salvador Allende and Efforts to Block his Assumption of the
Presidency, September 5-22, 1970: This series of eight
cables, written by U.S. Ambassador to Chile, Edward Korry,
record the reaction and activities of the U.S. Embassy after
the election of Salvador Allende's Popular Unity coalition.
Known as "Korrygrams," his reports contain some of the most
candid, and at times undiplomatic, opinions and observations
ever offered by a U.S. Ambassador. With titles such as "No
Hope for Chile," and "Some Hope for Chile," Korry provides
extensive details about political efforts to block Allende's
ratification by the Chilean Congress. The cables report on
the activities of Chile's political institutions in response
to Allende's election and provide Korry's explicit assessments
of the character of key Chilean leaders, particularly the
outgoing president, Eduardo Frei.
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