Statement from the Arab Cause
Solidarity Committee
The war against Iraq is
not over. Continue to mobilise in solidarity with the Iraqi people
and against the occupation
21 May, 2003. Statement from the Arab Cause
Solidarity Committee.
Translation from Spanish by Donald Murphy. CSCAweb (www.nodo50.org/csca)
"What is hidden behind
this 'reconstruction' of Iraq is the privatisation of the country's
national wealth and public facilities, the breaking up of its
labour structure and the absorption of the country, as well as
the entire Middle East region, into a globalised economy."
1. To oppose the occupation of Iraq
is to resist the United States' new strategic concept of "Permanent
War" and the threat of more military interventions
The
occupation of Iraq is illegal, the result of an equally illegal
war, and the first episode of what the Bush Administration has
termed "preventive war" or "permanent war"
[1]. After the occupation of Iraq, Bush has announced
that the "war against terrorism" will be continued
both inside and outside the Middle East.
The Bush Administration's "preventive war" is the
latest formulation of US military unilateralism, which it attempts
to justify by the attacks of September 11, 2001, but which was
developed before those attacks occurred. The Administration is
dominated by an group of extreme right-wing Christian and Zionist
ultra-conservatives from the administrations of Reagan and Bush
Sr., the majority with links to the great US oil and armament
corporations. This group (presently under the banner of what
they have named the "Project for the New American Century")
has since the end of the 1991 Gulf War defended a policy of the
US as supreme global (i.e. imperial) superpower, promoting for
this end a military rearmament which would prevent the emergence
of any political, economic and military rivals, beginning with
Europe [2].
Thus, if the intervention in Kosovo meant the annulment of
the European Union as a political entity, the occupation of Iraq
has imposed upon the international community the fait accompli
of a New World Order in which the legal norms in force up to
now have been nullified and the function of the United Nations
(UN) suppressed. The US occupation of Iraq is the final episode
in the process of eliminating this country as an independent
Arab power, but it is also a war aimed at long-term control of
the energy supply of its industrialized allies, as well as China,
which like the US itself depend, and will continue
to depend, essentially on petroleum from the Middle East [3].
2. To oppose the US's colonial plan
for Iraq is to fight against capitalist globalisation
US
invaded Iraq to put an end to the country's economic and political
reintegration both regional and international once
the regime of sanctions approved by the Security Council in 1991
ceased to be an efficient mechanism of strategic control. The
logic of the siege and final assault on Iraq did not have political
'regime change' alone as its objective, but the dismantling of
the Iraqi State as a developing power in the Middle East and
to frustrate the Iraq's historical goal of political and economic
independence based on the national and social control of its
petroleum revenues [4].
US has established in Iraq what it calls the Office for the
Reconstruction and Administration of Iraq, to be directed initially
by ex-General Jay Garner and at present by "anti-terrorism
expert" Paul Bremen. Beneath the term reconstruction
lies a project for returning Iraq to a framework of colonial
control, particularly of its petroleum wealth, the second richest
in the world. What is hidden behind this 'reconstruction' of
Iraq is the privatisation of the country's national wealth and
public facilities, the breaking up of its labour structure and
the absorption of the country, as well as the entire Middle East
region, into a globalised economy [5].
At the head of the Iraq National Oil Company (INOC, created
in 1972 with the nationalization of the crude oil industry),
the US has appointed former Shell director Philip J. Carroll
to be in effect Iraq's new Oil Minister [6]. The privatisation
of Iraqi oil will allow the monetization of national crude oil
reserves with the goal of obtaining from the World Bank the loans
necessary (up to $150 million) to finance the country's recovery
and the rehabilitation of its oil industry, ravaged by 12 years
of war and sanctions, as well as to exploit new fields. All of
this will be carried out by private companies, principally from
the US. Moreover, Iraqi petroleum transactions will again be
effected in dollars and not in euros, as the Iraqi government
had determined they would be.
3. To oppose the 'humanitarian'
rhetoric about Iraq is to defend the right of the Iraqi people
to self-rule and the principle of popular sovereignty
The
humanitarian rhetoric now being employed provides a cover
for those who are actually responsible for the current situation
of the Iraqi population, masks the real objectives of this war
and seeks to legitimise the occupation. This humanitarian
rhetoric furthermore perverts the sense of solidarity felt for
the Iraqi people in an attempt to deactivate popular opposition
to the war and to the occupation [7].
The grave humanitarian crisis which the Iraqi people have
suffered is the result of 12 years of sanctions (costing, by
the UN's estimate, the lives of over a million and a half civilians)
and two devastating wars. As occurred in 1991, during the three
weeks of the invasion, the country's civilian infrastructure
(electricity, drinking water, telecommunications, communications
media) was deliberately destroyed, and once the occupation began,
the US-UK forces promoted a situation of chaos, destruction and
looting. All of this has been intended to legitimise the occupation
converting the aggressor armies into 'humanitarian' armies
and to denigrate the image of the Iraq people in order
to justify the imposition of a foreign tutelage.
All of the current debate over the end of the sanctions, in
force since 1990, and whether it is the occupying powers or the
UN who should take control of Iraq's reconstruction is nothing
more than a cynical and immoral struggle between those who have
participated directly in the invasion of Iraq and those who,
not having done so, now fear being denied a share in the "spoils
of war" which the occupation carries with it [8]:
the US and the UK now defend an end to the sanctions so as to
be able to access, as occupation forces and without UN intervention,
to the funds from the "oil-for-food" programme ($30
billion), along with Iraqi government assets frozen outside the
country since 1990 and, finally, Iraqi oil.
Despite the decade-long embargo, the Iraqi people have managed
to progress thanks to their own abilities and hard work. The
Iraqi people are highly qualified and Iraq is a rich country.
The Iraqi people do not need to be "administrated",
nor do they require "humanitarian aid": they need to
recover their own sovereignty and to have free access to their
own resources. We denounce those NGO's which, unconcerned with
the plight of the Iraqi people during a decade of genocide sanctions,
ready themselves now to receive money from the governments implicated
in the destruction of Iraq, channelling "humanitarian aid"
through the occupation forces, and thereby contributing to the
dismantling of public facilities, already in a state of chaos
[9].
Moreover, it is the Iraqi people, through the occupation's
exploitation of their oil industry, who will be funding the reconstruction
of their country [10].
4. To oppose the role played by
the US and UK-backed Iraqi opposition is to defend the right
of the Iraqi people to a true democratisation
At
the same time as it tightens its control over Iraq, the Bush
Administration is striving to present to both internal and international
public opinion a "legitimate Iraqi government" which
will permit it to formally declare an end to the war (and with
this to elude its obligations as occupying force), and to excuse
the present situation of illegality which prevents the operation
of international financial institutions (the FMI and the World
Bank) within the country and, by extension, of bodies such as
NATO.
To this end, calling up the age-old imperialist maxim of "divide
and conquer" and following the model of Afghanistan, the
US is promoting the distribution of favours to those opposition
groups which have linked themselves in recent years to the Pentagon
and the State Department and which supported US-UK military intervention
(specifically, these are the two Kurdish groups the Democratic
Party of Kurdistan and the Democratic Union of Kurdistan ,
the Iraqi National Assembly, the Iraqi National Congress and
the Supreme Council of the Islamic Revolution in Iraq), along
with tribal and religious representatives of the interior [11].
While the majority of Iraqis support a vision of their society
which is secular, dynamic and unified despite the negative
impact of a decade of sanctions , the future which this
division presages for Iraq is one of social fragmentation among
regressive elements (religious, ethnic and tribal), facilitating
the establishment of Washington's colonial rule. The US will
employ emerging Shi'ite or Sunni Islamism as a tool for scaling
back the social and economic rights of the population, especially
those of women, a process associated with economic liberalization
and the dismantling of public services, particularly education.
Furthermore, these organisations have already shown their
readiness to normalize Iraq's relations with Israel, whose commercial
enterprises also hope to gain a foothold in Iraq under the administration
of the US occupation [12].
Faced with mercenary opposition groups such as these, it is
vital to establish open dialogue with the "patriotic opposition",
concentrated since 1991 in the Iraqi National Alliance (INA),
and composed of Marxist, communists, Nasserists, dissident Ba'athist,
nationalists and reformist Islamists organizations and individuals.
The INA opposed both the embargo and the war, and presently opposes
the occupation. Before the war, the INA had proposed offering
Saddam Hussein's government a democratic opening which would
facilitate its return to the country in order to join in its
defence against the aggressors [13].
5. To oppose the project for the
domination of Iraq is to defend the national vindication of the
Palestinian people
The
war against Iraq was pushed forward by the most Zionist sector
of the Bush Administration and, along with US corporations, Israel
is the immediate beneficiary of the country's occupation. As
in 1991 and after the Gulf War, the US and Israel intend now
to re-open a new Arab-Israeli and Palestinian-Israeli "negotiation
process", built upon the same principles as then: the preservation
of Israel's strategic supremacy, the imposition of its economic
presence in the Middle East and the definitive neutralization
of Palestinian nationalist aspirations. And, just as then, the
premises for imposing this "New Regional Order" are
the nullification of Iraq's political, economic and military
potential and an end to the Palestinian Intifada.
With the occupation of Iraq, the US and Israel have intensified
their offensive against Arafat, forcing the designation of a
Palestinian Prime Minister closely tied to US and Israeli interests,
Abu Mazen [14], and imposing the so-called "Road
Map", an attempt to revive the failed Oslo Agreements, whose
first stipulation is that the Palestinians definitively renounce
their rights of armed resistance, which Bush and Sharon characterize
as terrorism [15]. Similarly, the US threatens
to extend the "war on terrorism" to Syria and Lebanon
if the governments of those countries do not collaborate in the
definitive dismantling of resistance operations against Israel.
The promise to create a Palestinian State in 2005, at the
end of the process, conceals the fact that this will be an entity
without effective sovereignty, subject to Israel, and that the
right (recognized by the United Nations) of Palestinian refugees
to return to their homeland will be revoked.
6. To oppose Spain Government's participation
in the war against Iraq and in the occupation is to defend civil
liberties and social rights in our own country
Both
the war and the occupation of Iraq continue to be overwhelmingly
rejected by the citizens of Spain. The Aznar government facilitated
the aggression when it granted unrestricted use of joint Spanish-US
bases to the US, in violation of internal legality as well as
international law [16]. The Aznar government's response
to popular resistance against the war has been one of brutal
repression. And now the Spanish government is collaborating in
the illegal occupation of Iraq, a country which will be divided
into various military zones. The US has assigned to Spain specific
tasks in the occupation of Iraq, for which on 25 April the Aznar
government created what it calls the Government Commission for
the Reconstruction of Iraq. The Spanish government has increased
the number of its active military personnel in Iraq to 1,500
(not counting a contingent of civil guards), and four high-ranking
Spanish officials civilian and military, and in charge
of around fifty more already form part of the administration
of the US-led occupation.
The Aznar government has itself adopted the concept of the
Bush Administration's "war on terrorism" and has supported
the aggression against Iraq to justify new restrictions on democratic
freedoms and civil rights in Spain, most notably in the Basque
Country.
Notes:
1. See CSCAweb:
Carl
Messineo y Mara Verheyden-Hilliard: Evaluación crítica
de la nueva 'Estrategia de Seguridad Nacional' de la Administración
Bush
2. See CSCAweb: El
'Proyecto para el Nuevo Siglo Estadounidense', la 'Doctrina Bush'
y la guerra contra Iraq and 'Legitimar' la guerra contra Iraq:
EEUU, el Consejo de Seguridad y la OTAN
3. See CSCAweb: Samir
Amin: La ambición criminal de EEUU: el control militar
del planeta
4. See CSCAweb: La
Administración Bush detalla el programa para instaurarse
como nueva potencia colonial en Iraq tras su invasión
militar
and Angélica
Gimpel Smith: El verdadero motivo de la invasión de Iraq
5. See CSCAweb: Adel
Samara: Iraq: privatización, destrucción de clase
y desintegración social
6. See CSCAweb: El
gobierno Aznar reúne en Madrid a la oposición iraquí
vinculada a EEUU, mientras el Pentágono designa un 'gobierno
de transición' que permita el levantamiento de las sanciones
y el control del petróleo iraquí al margen de NNUU
7. See CSCAweb: La
indecencia de la "ayuda humanitaria"
8. See CSCAweb: EEUU
persigue la 'legitimación' del Consejo de Seguridad a
su administración colonial de Iraq mientras Israel ultima
su intervención directa en este país
9. Apart from the Red Cross, the majority of the NGO's which
have already received Spanish government funds for occupied Iraq
operate within the fold of the Partido Popular. Other Spanish
NGO's, which have refused such funding from the government, are
receiving theirs from the EU through ECHO, as in the case of
Doctors Without Borders. In April 2003, the European Commission
approved aid to Iraq in the amount of 100 million euros (Jordan
Times, 12 May, 2003). Such European aid is very advantageous
for the NGO's.
10. Estimations as to the cost of Iraq's reconstruction range
between the $150 billion mentioned before (Le Monde, 13-14
April, 2003) and the $93 billion, from the present to the year
2010, according to the US (ABC, 8 May, 2003), of which
only $10 billion will be affronted by donations from foreign
countries and the rest coming from the exploitation of Iraqi
oil. The estimation as to what the war has cost the US is $55
billion, of the $74.7 billion approved by the US Congress (data
supplied by Zygmunt Bauman in an interview in "Babelia",
El País, 10 May, 2003, and by Le Monde,
13-14 April, 2003, respectively).
11. See CSCAweb: Reunión
en Nasiriya: el primer acto de la pantomima democratizadora de
Iraq
12. See CSCAweb: EEUU
persigue la 'legitimación' del Consejo de Seguridad a
su administración colonial de Iraq mientras Israel ultima
su intervención directa en este país
13. See CSCAweb: Encuentro
del CSCA con la oposición patriótica iraquí and Encuentro del
CSCA con la oposición patriótica iraquí y Ningún
gobierno establecido por la injerencia exterior instaurará
la democracia en Iraq - 'Abdel Jabar al Kubaisy, dirigente de
la oposición patriótica iraquí en el exilio
se entrevista con el CSCA en Madrid
14. See CSCAweb: Remodelando
Oriente Medio: el modelo 'cambio de régimen' en Iraq aplicado
a Palestina
and Ali
Abunimah: Dos artículos sobre las 'reformas' palestinas.
¿Quiénes son estos hombres que venden Palestina
a precio de saldo ? y ¿Por qué Israel está
tan excitado respecto al 'primer ministro' Abu Mazen?
15. See the translation on CSCAweb of the US State Department
document regarding the "road map at: Documento:
"Hoja de ruta para una solución permanente al conflicto
palestino-israelí basada en dos Estados"
16. See CSCAweb: Con
Iraq y Palestina: paremos la guerra con nuestras voces
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