Message presented by John
CSCAweb (www.nodo50.org/csca), 11-20-02
"We, the people of
the United States, oppose this war. We refuse to be the cannon
fodder for an Empire"
Until September 11, 2001, I worked on the 31st floor of Tower
Number 1 of the World Trade Center (the twin towers).
That morning of September 11 I arrived late to work.
From the street, I saw the towers in flames; I saw them collapse.
The Health Insurance Company where I work was situated on floors
18 to 31. Almost all of my 1,915 fellow workers survived. Eleven
What is the World Trade Center workforce like? It's like New
York. Consider the unit I work with as an example. There were
twelve people in it. Six are immigrants: three women from the
Philippines, three men, one from Taiwan, one from Ukraine, one
I bring up this personal note because I believe that the September
11 attack, its impact on the U.S. population, and the reaction
of Washington to it, have allowed the Bush administration to
set a course for war on Iraq.
Everyone in the United States saw the towers collapse, saw
the people die.over and over on television for days.
This kind of horror happens around the world. It is often
caused by the Pentagon bombing. But it was a completely new experience
for people inside the United States. It had a profound effect
on them. They were afraid. They felt helpless. They did not understand
why they had suddenly become "collateral damage," as
the Pentagon euphemistically calls it.
While the people of the United States tried to recuperate
from the horrible destruction of thousands of lives, the Bush
administration was working overtime. It used the victim's suffering
as a pretext to initiate a war and prepare the way to more thousands
of deaths in the Middle East and to threaten the civil rights
of U.S. citizens while increasing the repressive power of the
High officials in Washington and former government officials
regarded the attack on Afghanistan a horrible bombardment
of a poor country -- as only the first step in a much broader
Kissinger summed up his thinking about the present situation.
This "could be a turning point," he said, comparable
to the "defeat of communism in the Soviet Union," in
that it held out the prospect of the "defeat of terrorism
on a global basis."
To Kissinger, as to his colleagues in the capitalist government
hierarchy, "terror" and "anarchy" apply to
any force that resists the domination of the U.S. multinational
corporations and banks and the Pentagon.
In the past year this definition could easily be extended
to the Palestinian struggle against Israeli occupation. It was
extended to the liberation fighters in Colombia trying to rid
the people of a reactionary government that permits death squads
to operate. And to the New People's Army of the Philippines.
Cuba, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Syria, Iran,
Ir aq and Libya are also included on the U.S. government's official
"terrorist" list, and Bush named Somalia, Sudan and
Yemen as additional targets.
Currently the Bush administration is rushing ahead with plans
for its unprovoked war of aggression against Iraq based on unsubstantiated
charges repeated over and over again by its spokespeople. Their
goal for the last year has been to transform the shock and outrage
over the Sept. 11 disaster into a permanent state of pro-war
psychology in the United States and worldwide that can be harnessed
to support a campaign of "permanent war."
National Security Statement
The Bush administration's National Security Strategy (NSS)
document puts considerable stress on the absolute military power
of the Pentagon. The New York Times of Sept. 20 wrote that "one
of the most striking elements of the new strategy document is
its insistence 'that the president has no intention of allowing
any foreign power to catch up with the huge lead the United States
has opened up since the fall of the Soviet Union more than a
decade ago. ...
"Our forces will be strong enough,' Mr. Bush's document
states, 'to dissuade potential adversaries from pursuing a military
buildup in hopes of surpassing, or equaling, the power of the
United States.' "
The document is filled with military threats, including the
right to first strike. From the point of view of the right-wing
military geostrategists in the U.S. establishment, this document
reads like their dream come true.
With its intended war of "preemption" against Iraq,
the Bush administration is engaged in a much broader purpose:
a unilateral campaign to revamp the entire legal and political
structure of international relations in the post-Soviet period,
to reflect the absolute superpower domination of U.S. imperialism
over the world. This campaign is directed first and foremost
against the oppressed peoples of the world, but also against
Washington and Wall Street's imperialist allies/rivals in Europe
The Bush administration has admitted in its "National
Security Strategy" statement that the Pentagon plans wars
so that the U.S. dominates every region of the world - politically,
militarily and economically.
Not weapons of mass destruction, etc., but oil, domination of
President Bush has given many reasons why the Pentagon should
attack Iraq and kill hundreds of thousands of Iraqi people. But
these reasons are all lies. The truth is Bush plans to attack
because the U.S. rulers want to seize Iraq's oil. The truth is
Bush plans to attack to turn Iraq back into a colony. The truth
is Bush plans to attack so that U.S. business interests control
the flow of energy to the world. The truth is Bush plans to attack
Iraq and keep U.S. military forces in Iraq just as the U.S. has
kept troops and planes in Europe, Japan and Korea for over 50
Rebirth of anti-war movement
But while the White House, Pentagon and the big-business media
have managed to create this war psychology in the Congress and
win a complete capitulation of the Democratic Party, their strategy
is backfiring down below, among the people.
The anti-war movement is losing its lethargy and is mobilizing.
Every poll shows declining support for the war. A growing number
of labor unions are passing resolutions against the war.
The demonstrations of October 6 said: "Not in our name."
And hundreds of thousands took part in the demonstrations of
October 26 to say: "Stop the war on Iraq before it begins."
While George W. Bush, Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, Colin
Powell, Paul Wolfowitz and Condoleezza Rice concoct imaginary
threats to justify a war of conquest, the masses of people are
experiencing the very real threats arising out of the growing
economic crisis: layoffs, cutbacks in social services, retirement
funds vanishing in the collapsing stock market, loss of medical
coverage and growing poverty.
For example, two women, one Puerto Rican, one African American,
were the secretaries of our work unit before September 11. Five
weeks after September 11, both secretaries were laid off, that
is, they lost their jobs. The terrorist attack did not cause
the layoffs. The layoffs had been planned long in advance to
cut labor costs, to increase profits. At the same time the bosses
told us remaining workers we must work an extra half hour each
day-with no increase in pay. The layoffs were part of the capitalist
economic crisis. They were two of the 500,000 layoffs that took
place in October 2001 in the United States.
Washington plans to make war to build an Empire with United
States imperialism as the ruler of the world. We in the anti-war
movement of the United States want to send you a clear message:
We, the people of the United States, oppose this war. We refuse
to be the cannon fodder for an Empire.
We have learned that we cannot depend on the politicians.
We cannot depend on the rulers of other world powers. We cannot
depend on the UN. We can depend only on ourselves-the youth,
students and workers of all colors and nationalities. We are
the only force that can stop the war, we in the center of the
Empire together with the people all around the world.